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            <text>&lt;p&gt;Page 1&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align:center;"&gt;&lt;em&gt;Submission &lt;br /&gt;by Mr Baldwin to the King 4/12/36&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Mr. Baldwin with his humble duty to Your Majesty.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;With reference to the draft of a broadcast which by Your Majesty’s instructions was placed before the Cabinet to-day, Mr. Baldwin submits the following observations.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In the case of broadcasting (as in the case of any other form of public address) there is a fundamental distinction between the position of the King and the position of a private person. As long as the King is King he can only speak in public in that capacity. If a Sovereign takes the formal action which is necessary to renounce the Throne, and if he becomes a subject of the reigning Sovereign, his claim to broadcast stands on quite a different basis. But the suggestion that the King should broadcast in the terms proposed is a suggestion that he should broadcast as King and while occupying the Throne.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align:right;"&gt;Such/&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div style="border-top:2px solid #000;margin:2em 0;"&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Page 2&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Such a broadcast could only be given on the advice of his Ministers, who would be responsible for every sentence of it. In these circumstances Mr. Baldwin cannot advise that the King should broadcast as proposed.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In order to make the constitutional position quite plain Mr. Baldwin appends a note of certain propositions which are well established and universally accepted by constitutional authorities. He would call particular attention to the paragraph which points out that the King, in present circumstances, could not constitutionally make a broadcast on the topics proposed save on the advice of all his Governments.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align:right;"&gt;(SD.) STANLEY BALDWIN.&lt;br /&gt;4th December, 1936.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div style="border-top:2px solid #000;margin:2em 0;"&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Page 3&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;1. It is a fundamental constitutional principle that the King’s Ministers must take responsibility for every public act of the King, for the King himself can do no wrong; and it follows as a necessary corollary that Ministers must have the right to tender advice before the act is done. This principle is the basis of constitutional monarchy and if the King disregarded it, the monarchy would cease to be constitutional.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;2. Accordingly, it would be a grave breach of constitutional principle if the Sovereign were to make a public statement on any matter of public interest except on the advice of his Ministers. Whether the medium is the B.B.C. or any other form of address spoken or written makes no difference. This extends even to replies to loyal addresses presented by Municipal bodies – a fortiori to a world-wide discourse which manifestly might have constitutional consequences.&lt;/p&gt;
3. Apparent exceptions to the rule that the King’s public utterances must be such as are approved by his&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align:right;"&gt;Ministers ...&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div style="border-top:2px solid #000;margin:2em 0;"&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Page 4&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Ministers (such as King George’s Christmas message) are not really exceptions at all. In such cases Ministers are willing to give an experienced Monarch who thoroughly understands and has always strictly observed constitutional limitations, a discretion as to what he would say, and are content to take full responsibility knowing well that the Monarch will say nothing of which His Ministers would not approve.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;4. The King is bound to accept and act upon the advice of his Ministers in this connection. For the King to broadcast in disregard of that advice would be appealing over the heads of His constitutional advisers.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;5. There is a further principle involved. The constitutional duty of the King is not to take sides in any matter of public controversy. If he does so on Ministers’ advice, of course they alone are responsible; but if he does so without their advice, or in defiance of it, he ceases to act as a constitutional Monarch and his intervention is calculated to divide His subjects into opposing camps. It is manifest that the King’s broadcast must have this result.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align:right;"&gt;6. …&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;div style="border-top:2px solid #000;margin:2em 0;"&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Page 5&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;6. Moreover, a Royal broadcast of the nature contemplated could only be given on the advice of all the King’s Governments. Even if there were a change of government in this country, and new Ministers could be found prepared to authorise such a proceeding, this would avail nothing unless all the Dominion Governments also approved the project.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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            <text>Stanley Baldwin (Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury)</text>
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              <text>Submission - Proposed Royal Broadcast During the Abdication Crisis [1936-12-04]</text>
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              <text>Stanley Baldwin's formal advice to King Edward VIII regarding his proposed broadcast during the Abdication Crisis.</text>
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              <text>PREM 1/451</text>
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              <text>1936-12-04</text>
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              <text>Mark Scott</text>
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